Australia Comment: What to do with our IS brides? Bringing them home is no easy task

16:51  17 october  2019
16:51  17 october  2019 Source:   theage.com.au

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Bringing them home is no easy task 2019-10-17 2019-10-17. Target, Big W rapped for refusing faulty Dyson and PlayStation returns. Bringing Them Home is the Australian Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families.

Or they really did love Australia and they couldn’t recall Islamic State calling on its followers in September 2014 to rely upon Allah and to kill disbelieving Australians any way they could. Then again, nothing to do with either Islamic State or the Syrian civil war has resulted in good outcomes.

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Demands for the women and children detained in the al-Hawl camp to be repatriated to Australia have become louder as their relatives have become increasingly vocal and media reports begin to personalise these "IS brides" and report that the women feel themselves at risk from hardliners in the camps.

The government has been equally firm in denying them any prospect of a swift return, citing an unwillingness to expose its officials to danger to facilitate the process. For their part, relatives and media have argued that if they can visit the camps safely then Australian officials should be able to. And it has now become something of a political issue as Opposition spokeswoman Kristina Keneally has argued that Australia has a moral duty to return them.

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a little boy sitting on a bed: Australian woman Shayma Assaad and her three sons at the al-Hawl camp in north-eastern Syria in April.© David Wroe Australian woman Shayma Assaad and her three sons at the al-Hawl camp in north-eastern Syria in April. It is somewhat ironic that radicalised adult women who willingly travelled thousands of kilometres to join an organisation that had called for and inspired and conducted attacks against the West and Australia, and who lived in houses and on money stolen from others, now complain of being targeted by radicalised women.

Through their families they have had indirect access to legal representation and their narratives largely reflect that of the vanquished terrorist fighter. They were "brainwashed" or "coerced", or they didn’t realise where they were going until, like magic, they appeared at the Turkish-Syrian border and had to run into Syria as shots rang out.

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Or they really did love Australia and they couldn’t recall Islamic State calling on its followers in September 2014 to rely upon Allah and to kill disbelieving Australians any way they could. Regardless, they now saw the error of their ways and rather than kill their fellow Australians they wanted their fellow Australians to help them.

Some have now had their citizenship stripped from them for joining a group seeking to attack their own country. Others already have arrest warrants issued against them. Their social media pages sometimes paint a different picture to that of the innocent abroad, and courts will eventually have to determine how contrite they truly are. The experience to date is that courts have found a low level of true contrition in those Islamic State supporters who have come before them.

As far as the children are concerned, the government faces a difficult task. Some of the women have had children to multiple Australian and foreign fighters, while some Australian fighters have had children with multiple Australian and foreign women. This throws up potentially difficult citizenship and custody issues. If the father was Lebanese or Syrian for example, the child may well be automatically entitled to Lebanese or Syrian citizenship. Whether they are or not, whether those respective governments would confer it, and what this means for their repatriation or otherwise takes some time to work out.

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The children’s parentage needs first to be established and then the complexities and antecedents of each of the individual family groups and the parents’ legal status need to be determined. Briefs of evidence need to be built up to support charges – because of where they’ve been and what they’ve done, it isn’t as simple as "bringing them home".

This "go slow" approach of policy formulation on the part of the government has been defensible to date by citing the adequacy of the security provided by the Kurdish guards. But the triple impact of the Turkish-led invasion, the subsequent withdrawal of US forces and the deal between the Kurds and the Syrian government in Damascus has now demanded a reassessment of the previous assumptions about the degree of control exercised over the Australian detainees.

Washington isn’t leaving immediately and the White House hasn’t made it clear when it will be, but it is going to be sooner rather than later. The Australian government’s plan for the detainees’ future needs to be synchronised with the coalition withdrawal plan because its future will be uncertain to say the least.

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The camp is too far away from the Turkish area of interest for Turkey to take responsibility for it, and the legal, let alone functional, complications of it doing so would be immense.

The impact of the Kurds' deal with Damascus on the camp isn’t known and it is unlikely that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad would want to waste much-needed ground forces on static guard duties for these detainees. He may be happy for the Kurds to maintain the watch, but he won’t be willing to bear the cost.

Australia may conceivably look at holding some of them in a third country after the US withdraws. Iraq is still wrangling with finding a location for its thousands and thousands of detainees in al-Hawl and that process could conceivably include areas for Western detainees – at a certain per diem, of course. Other countries in the region could be lobbied to temporarily house the relatively small number of people while Canberra works out the next step. The legality of such an action is not known.

Or the government may simply accept that the radically altered reality in north-eastern Syria and the uncertainty of the future has fundamentally changed its calculations and the best course is to repatriate Australian citizens or those reasonably expected to be citizens, and then undertake the requisite legal action against them.

None of these are particularly good outcomes for the government. Then  again, nothing to do with either Islamic State or the Syrian civil war has resulted in good outcomes.

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