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World Republicans Keep Worshipping at This Zealot’s No-Tax Altar

12:30  05 april  2021
12:30  05 april  2021 Source:   thedailybeast.com

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Republicans Keep Worshipping at This Zealot ’ s No - Tax Altar . He had the big idea of a “ no tax ” pledge that unified conservatives across varied causes from gun rights to evangelicals, home schoolers and anti-abortion activists. His Wednesday meetings are legendary and each week bring well over a hundred activists to the office of Americans for Tax Reform, the group he formed in 1985.Borrowing Norquist’s strategy, the Koch brothers have been quietly circulating for some time through a conservative group they back, Americans for Prosperity, a “ no tax on climate” pledge.

No Republican is eager to raise taxes , but those drifting away from the pledge say they'll consider tax hikes as part of a deficit-cutting package that also includes deep spending cuts. This is an important development in the "fiscal cliff" negotiations, since most budget experts say it will take a combination Another problem with the tax -hike holdouts is that there is no credible plan for paying down the national debt with spending cuts alone. When paying down the debt is a mere theoretical problem or campaign talking point, it' s easy to say we should do it all with spending cuts. But when you dig into the details

Grover Norquist, the high priest of Republican tax-cutting, may not be as prominent as he was in the 1990s, but he is the reason that Joe Biden can’t afford to lose a single senator or more than a handful of House members without losing his entire economic agenda.

Grover Norquist wearing glasses and looking at the camera: Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Getty © Provided by The Daily Beast Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Getty

Norquist, who once said his goal is to starve the government down to the size “where we can drown it in the bathtub,” has been remarkably successful at shaping a political environment that makes it hard to even talk about, let alone succeed in, raising taxes. He’s in a tight corner now, but it would be dangerous to write him off as old news.

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Is that tax cut helping Republicans in the midterms? No, it is not, which is why they seem delighted to divert attention to the caravan of migrants making its way from Central America toward the U. S . border. That’ s because the tax cuts that Republicans are nostalgically aping occurred in a very different political economy. When Ronald Reagan took office, inflation was in the double digits, and tax brackets weren’t yet indexed for inflation, so unless Congress made one of its periodic bracket adjustments, peoples’ taxes kept creeping up even though the purchasing power of their salary might

No, what we need first is to get rid of the globalist approach that got us into this mess. Norman Lewis. Its tone is that of the hectoring schoolmaster who knows what’ s best for the children, and tolerates no dissent. This is not a dialogue but a lecture we need to accept without question. Here they are

When President George H.W. Bush lost his re-election in 1992 after breaking his promise to not raise taxes, Norquist called it “a teaching moment.” Since then, he has held the sword of Damocles over politicians by having them sign an anti-tax pledge. In no small part because of that pledge, it’s unlikely a single Republican will support President Joe Biden’s infrastructure plan which he would pay for by raising taxes on families with incomes over $400,000 and by increasing the corporate tax rate to 28 percent after President Trump slashed it from 35 to 21 percent.

In the last Congress, 45 senators and 212 House members signed Norquist’s pledge. “Even those few Republicans who don’t sign the pledge, everybody believes they did sign it,” Norquist told The Daily Beast. He points out there hasn’t been a tax increase since 1994, except when Democrats have the House and Senate and presidency. Democrats lost their congressional majorities after Bill Clinton’s first two years, and Barack Obama suffered what he called a “shellacking” at the two-year mark, losing the House and six Senate seats.

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After Republicans pushed through aggressive tax cuts in 2012 and 2013, the state keeps coming up with deep budget holes that have to be patched in an annual scramble. People who expected great things from tax cuts were essentially hoping that labor supply was very elastic; if you changed the price people got for working, they’d respond by working a lot more. It turned out to not be not nearly as responsive as hoped, in part because this mental model of how markets worked was incomplete.

Now, Norquist is facing a huge test of his strength as Biden is promising a plan for good-paying jobs to build back America, and taxes to pay for those jobs. Polls show Americans favor taxes on the rich by wide margins, and that even many Republicans are open to them, but so far that hasn’t convinced their representatives.

“It takes a pandemic and Donald Trump to make this a different time,” says Democratic pollster Peter Hart. “All the rules are changed, and those who can’t adapt to the world we’re going to see are going to be left in the dust. This is in many respects a transition from what we’ve been living with for over 25 years. We’re going to make investments in the future rather than rely on old shibboleths.”

Asked if he had any data to back up his optimistic assertion of a transformed political environment, Hart parried the question, saying lightheartedly, “I wouldn’t want to ruin the mystery of it with data,” then adding that his polling company would be back in the field soon to get a better sense of what he thinks is happening.

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QuestionCI and zealot ' s oath (self.pathofexile). submitted 1 year ago by stocker0504. I am trying to build a winter orb CI trickster. I would guess Zealot ' s Oath is only for remaining points once you're 90+ and/or have a Bottled Faith. Resourcefulness (the new health node in the Shadow area) gives .5% life regen as well.

Former officeholders: Republicans who no longer face electoral risk should be joining Danforth. I would have expected to hear more from Judd Gregg, a high-caliber former New Hampshire senator and governor, for example. Arguably, if Ryan pushed a tax -reform measure like the one Republicans succeeded in enacting in 1986, it would be a legacy achievement. But the best the speaker can get is something like the 2001 tax cut, which may do more harm than good. Who was the speaker 16 years ago?

He explained that Biden took office with a 52-53 percent approval, low for a new administration but now is in the high 50s, which tells us a little more about the politics ahead, says Hart: “that the tribalism may be waning somewhat, and I would underline somewhat.”

The mythology around Norquist and the political danger posed by tax increases grew after Bush lost in 1992. “He didn’t lose because of taxes, he lost because there was a recession. It was just a yarn Grover spun to get people to send him money, and that congealed into Republican dogma,” says Jack Pitney, a professor of American politics at Claremont McKenna College. The aversion to taxes is less about Norquist than about Trump’s heavy hand, he says. “Republicans are afraid they’ll be denounced by Trump if they support any tax increase.”

What Biden has going for him is that the argument for raising taxes is persuasive, says Pitney. Voters understand that unlimited deficit spending is unsustainable, and the perception that rich people and corporations are getting away with highway robbery is what matters politically. “Republicans don’t want to cross Trump, while at the same time they’re trying to present themselves as a working-class party. It’s hard for them to argue against it (raising taxes on the rich and corporations) on the merits.”

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Also, people love concrete, they love roads and bridges, says Pitney, who before he went into academia was legislative director for former New York Senator Alphonse D’Amato, nicknamed “Senator Pothole” for his assiduous attention to basic constituent services.

Even so, the decades-long resistance to taxes is far from over. Democrats shouldn’t rush to write off Norquist. He had the big idea of a “no tax” pledge that unified conservatives across varied causes from gun rights to evangelicals, home schoolers and anti-abortion activists. His Wednesday meetings are legendary and each week bring well over a hundred activists to the office of Americans for Tax Reform, the group he formed in 1985.

Borrowing Norquist’s strategy, the Koch brothers have been quietly circulating for some time through a conservative group they back, Americans for Prosperity, a “no tax on climate” pledge. According to a two-year study made public last week by the Investigative Reporting Group at American University, the pledge is gaining currency among elected officials not only in Washington but in state houses. There are currently 411 signers, which include the entire Republican leadership in the U.S. House, a third of House members, and a quarter of U.S. senators.

A bare knuckles fight lies ahead, but Democrats are bullish about their prospects in a way that they haven’t been for a long time. “What’s going to happen here, Biden is going to pass another major piece of legislation, and it’s going to be popular too,” says Jim Kessler with Third Way, a centrist Democratic group that once might have parted ways with progressives over a big spending program but has now joined the chorus for Biden to “go big” with infrastructure and to finance it mainly through taxes on the wealthy and corporations.

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“We believe things should be paid for,” says Kessler. “If it’s worth having, it should be paid for. And we want an economy that is vibrant and where work pays. We’re undertaxed as a country.” Republicans will be hard-pressed to oppose raising taxes on the richest among us and on corporations now that their coalition relies on lower-income, blue-collar workers. “Their voters are a lot less wealthy than they were in Grover Norquist’s heyday,” says Kessler.

Norquist initially deflected questions from The Daily Beast about the continued relevancy of his anti-tax message, saying, “infrastructure is a French word for everything except votes.” He says Trump, who signed the pledge, was “generally fine on taxes… except for tariffs on China.” Tariffs are taxes, says Norquist, and their cost is passed on to American consumers. He predicts a higher corporate tax rate will come back to sting the Democrats “because taxes are a direct war on people in the suburbs who didn’t like the guy with the orange hair,” but also won’t like the drag on their 401-Ks when corporate profits are shaved by higher taxes. More than half the population (53 percent) has 401-Ks or an IRA, he notes, adding that “Biden’s guys don’t get who they’re poking, who they’re screwing.”

Actually, Biden’s guys know exactly what they’re doing, and what they’re up against. And they’re ready. The voters will decide whether they want “The American Jobs Plan,” and whether they want Amazon and Jeff Bezos to pay for it. Biden is making a good bet that the answer is yes, and we’ll know soon enough if government is too big to drown.

Read more at The Daily Beast.

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The recent wave of anti-trans legislation follows a decades-long pattern of Republicans targeting groups they think lack the numbers or votes to properly fight back.“Mehlman said at the time that he could not, as an individual Republican, go against the party consensus,” Ambinder wrote. He added that Mehlman “often wondered why gay voters never formed common cause with Republican opponents of Islamic jihad, which he called ‘the greatest anti-gay force in the world right now.

usr: 0
This is interesting!