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Opinion The Guardrails Are Off the U.S. Military

14:18  06 june  2020
14:18  06 june  2020 Source:   politico.com

Military Commissioner Eva Högl wants to deal with right-wing extremism in troops

 Military Commissioner Eva Högl wants to deal with right-wing extremism in troops Military Commissioner Högl advocates tackling the issue of right-wing extremism in the Bundeswehr. At the same time, she warned of a general suspicion of the troops. © Kay Nietfeld / dpa The new defense commissioner of the Bundestag, Eva Högl (SPD), wants to deal with the issue of right-wing extremism in the Bundeswehr. The cases in the past months and years were "not just a collection of individual cases," she told the news agency dpa.

Normally, it would be remarkable for an American military hero to make such a comment. But such is the tumult whipped up by Trump that his words This week' s turmoil has unfolded as the Democratic impeachment inquiry has raced ahead, acquiring damning testimony about an off - the -books foreign

“I never thought we would have to use the National Defense Authorization Act to make clear that the U . S . military shouldn’t be used as an agent of “I’m going to be pushing to ensure the president can’t treat the U . S . military as his personal palace guard to try to ward off peaceful protests,” Kaine added.

After President Donald Trump’s alarming threat to send active-duty troops into U.S. cities, many Americans were reassured by the public pushback from Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and former military leaders. Their statements seemed to indicate that strong checks still exist on the president’s use of the military.

a group of people standing in front of a building: GettyImages-1245123377_773.jpg © Win McNamee/Getty Images GettyImages-1245123377_773.jpg

The truth, however, is more unsettling. The U.S. military’s constitutional guardrails and apolitical tradition have been slowly eroding in recent years. It simply no longer can be assumed that the Pentagon will resist illegal orders from the president or requests from other agencies working under him. As a result, our system of government itself might be imperiled—and perhaps sooner than we think.

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US Military Careers Military Branches. The present U . S . military organizational structure is a result of the National Security Act of 1947. This is the same act that created the United States Air Force and restructured the War Department into the Department of Defense.

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I witnessed this erosion up close as a special assistant to Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Joseph Dunford from 2018-19. When Trump took office, he found the Defense Department’s civilian leadership in a weakened state, having ceded influence to uniformed personnel. Trump accelerated the trend. He seems to have correctly deduced that generals and admirals are often more obedient to the president and less politically savvy than civilian appointees. In fact, he simply declined to fill up to a third of senior civilian roles at the Pentagon, preferring disempowered “acting” officials. He also has gradually replaced more independent-minded officials like former Secretary Jim Mattis.

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The United States military is one of the most ethnically diverse and integrated institutions in the nation, and has long promoted racial equality. Yet in a string of cases in recent years, Americans bent on racist extremism have been current or former members of the armed forces.

"I never thought we would have to use the National Defense Authorization Act to make clear that the U . S . military shouldn't be used as an agent of Democrats and Republicans in the House and Senate also say they want to stop the military from transferring surplus equipment to police departments.

By weakening the defense leadership cadre, Trump has had a freer hand to erode normative boundaries and push legal limits. He has used service members and hallowed grounds as partisan props, diverted scarce military resources toward political ends, corrupted military justice and flouted constraints imposed by Congress. Each violation helped to pave the way for the next.

Many uniformed and civilian leaders have done their best under impossible circumstances. They have sought to obey a duly elected commander in chief, while at the same time upholding the law and preserving institutional values. But this balancing act was doomed to fail sooner or later as Trump’s demands grew beyond what Mattis and others could bear. In turn, a rot grew within the Pentagon’s E-Ring, as a new cohort of leaders succumbed to unrelenting presidential pressure.

The extent of the rot was exposed in April by Acting Navy Secretary Thomas Modly. In an apparent effort to please the president, Modly rashly fired the commander of the USS Theodore Roosevelt, a beloved officer whose vocal requests for help during a Covid-19 outbreak on board had embarrassed the administration. Modly was so zealous in doing what he believed Trump would want that he dispensed with normal protocol and misled the public—creating his own scandals and ultimately resigning in disgrace. Farcical as it was, the episode revealed a serious problem: Some of the Pentagon’s most senior leaders had lost their way inside Trump’s political whirlwind.

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The United States National Guard is part of the reserve components of the United States Army and the United States Air Force. It is a military reserve force composed of National Guard military members

During the Vietnam War, the U . S . military plied its servicemen with speed, steroids, and painkillers to help them handle extended combat.

On Monday, the farce was repeated as tragedy. The D.C. National Guard, acting under federal authority, participated in an obviously unconstitutional suppression of the First Amendment rights of peaceful protesters in Lafayette Park, outside the White House. After the units had cleared the park, Esper joined Trump for the now infamous photo-op outside St. John’s Church. Two days later, the Defense secretary partially distanced himself from Trump’s most egregious attempt to militarize the protest response—his threat to invoke the Insurrection Act and send in active-duty troops to restore order in America’s cities.

Esper’s remarks were a much-needed public service. But, as a former Pentagon speechwriter, I paid close attention to his words. Esper has not actually condemned the clearing of the park. Nor has he apologized for participating in the photo-op. Instead, he disclaimed any responsibility for the events—first by pleading ignorance, then by finger-pointing. He “was not aware of [civilian] law enforcement’s plans for the park,” he said, “nor should I expect to be. But they had taken what actions I assume they felt was necessary.” In other words: Military leaders were simply fulfilling requests given to them by other agencies.

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The military often combines personnel from its various branches in operations, making similar uniforms practical. After the rebellion was put down, the move to multiple uniforms began, following European trends, as the U . S . military began adopting a new series of dress uniforms in the 1870 s .

The Air Force’ s tiny fleet of twenty Northrop Grumman B-2 Spirit stealth bombers is the only long-range penetrating strike asset in the service’ s arsenal. No other aircraft in the Air Force inventory has the range to take off from the continental United States and strike at targets on the other side of the globe

The argument was all too familiar. At the Pentagon, I helped craft analogous talking points in 2018, when Trump ordered thousands of troops to help secure the border. The unusual deployment of active-duty forces came weeks before a midterm election in which Trump aggressively hyped the threat from migrant caravans; it seemed like an expensive political stunt. The Pentagon downplayed its responsibility for the mission, pointing instead to civilian agencies that had requested the support and performed legal reviews of the mission.

The clearing of Lafayette Park showed the moral and constitutional limits of this argument. The military is far more powerful than civilian law enforcement, and far less trained to operate inside the homeland. There can be no offloading of responsibility when U.S. military might is used against American citizens, given the inherent dangers. And Pentagon leaders must be able to assure Americans that troops will not support any operation—civilian-led or otherwise—that violates U.S. constitutional rights.

Today there is no such guarantee. It is not difficult to imagine mass protests and civil unrest persisting into November. If federal troops remain activated in the lead-up to the 2020 election, what assurances do we have that Trump will not somehow maneuver them into influencing the outcome? It is also conceivable that Trump narrowly loses the election but labels it as “rigged.” If such claims lead to new bouts of unrest—or if the president resists a peaceful transition of power—what will the military do?

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These questions, already whispered about, must now be openly asked. For those who call them far-fetched, I would cite John Allen, a retired four-star general, who wrote this week that the Lafayette Park fiasco “may well signal the beginning of the end of the American experiment.” Trump’s current and former associates have themselves raised questions about whether the 2020 election will occur on schedule or result in a peaceful handover if Trump loses.

In 1974, Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger became worried that President Richard Nixon, on the eve of impeachment, could use the military to subvert constitutional processes. Schlesinger did not dither or deflect; he made it known that no such thing would happen on his watch. In 2020, Americans cannot simply assume the Pentagon will serve the same role. To demand accountability and protect democracy, they will need to raise their own voices.

Why Does Trump Lie? .
The lies and obfuscations pile up. No, it wasn’t tear gas used to clear Lafayette Park for President Trump’s Bible-waving photo-op last Monday night, Attorney General William Barr said on CBS’s “Face the Nation” on Sunday. Rather it was “pepper balls,” he said. “Pepper spray is not a chemical irritant. It’s not chemical.” Wrong, according to The Washington Post; pepper balls are very much a chemical irritant. The paper awarded the nation’s top law enforcement officer four Pinocchios for his claim.The president himself keeps at it, too.

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