Opinion Why Is John Roberts So Popular Among Democrats?
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Inflation is at record highs. Roe v. Wade is in limbo. Voting rights are under attack. The filibuster is intact. Student debt isn’t canceled. Climate change is unaddressed. And the Build Back Better Act—the cornerstone of President Joe Biden’s agenda—looks doomed. And now, despite those failures, Democrats have to sell their unified control of Washington as a success. Democrats have certainly achieved some policy wins this year. They passed a bipartisan infrastructure deal, providing $1 trillion toward critical needs in the United States, and they were able to pass another COVID response bill that implemented a beefed up Child Tax Credit, a lifeline to low- and middle-inco
Earlier this month, GallupAmerican sentiment toward 11 of the nation’s most prominent public figures. Only one boasted majority support from both Democrats and Republicans, and he happens to be the most effective conservative politician of the modern era.
During his tenure on the Supreme Court, Chief Justice John Roberts has voted to, effectively , , to sue corporations that abuse them, nullify , and carve into Roe v. Wade.
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And Roberts nevertheless retains the approval of 55 percent of Democratic voters (along with 57 percent of Republican voters) in Gallup’s new poll. No other official in the survey — not Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, either party’s congressional leadership, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, or Dr. Anthony Fauci — claimed majority support in both blue and red America.
For progressives, this is a troubling finding, if not. The disconnect between the Roberts Court’s reactionary jurisprudence and its benign public image is long-standing. Thanks in part to a pair of high-salience 5-4 rulings that delivered victories for liberals — Roberts’s decision to preserve the and former justice Anthony Kennedy’s to — Democrats actually expressed more approval than Republicans for the majority-conservative Supreme Court for
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Richard LaBar, 58, was killed while delivering a pepperoni pizza and cinnamon sticks , the Pocono Record reported. Carmona waited in front of the door of the ROTC building just off campus for the delivery while Berrios, then 17, hid in the nearby bushes with a 410-gauge sawed-off shotgun. © Provided by People East Stroudsburg Police Israel Berrios, Carolina Carmona, Salvadore Roberts Prosecutors alleged that LaBar had arrived and was attempting to confirm the pizza order with Carmona when Berrios came out of the bushes, pointed the shotgun at him and demanded money.
Still, the Roberts Court isn’t what it used to be. Kennedy is gone, and Brett Kavanaugh, a longtime GOP apparatchik whoat his confirmation hearings, has taken the former “swing” justice’s place. Meanwhile, Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s erstwhile seat is now occupied by Amy Coney Barrett, possibly the most right-wing justice in the Court’s modern history. The conservative majority has thus grown both larger and more reactionary. And that development threatens to decide decades-long “culture war” battles in the right’s favor.
Chief among these is the fight over reproductive freedom. The Gallup survey was conducted in thein Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. At issue in that case is whether states are constitutionally forbidden from outlawing abortion in cases where the fetus has not attained viability (which generally occurs around the 24th week of pregnancy). The Supreme Court upheld this standard in 1992’s . In 2021, however, the Court’s conservatives indicated at oral arguments that they were not inclined to preserve the rights established by Roe and affirmed by Casey. And Roberts was by .
Roberts pushes for judiciary's continued independence in year-end report
Chief Justice John Roberts stressed the importance of the judiciary's institutional independence Friday in an annual report that comes as the Supreme Court is considering some of the most important issues of the day, and critics are seeking to dilute the court's conservative majority.Roberts did not directly address the term's explosive docket that includes cases on the future of Roe v. Wade, the Biden administration's vaccine mandates and the expansion of gun rights, but he emphasized the need to insulate the courts from what he called "inappropriate political influence.
Nevertheless, despite high-profile coverage of the case and consistent, Roberts managed to retain his status as an exceptionally non-polarizing public official.
Which is somewhat alarming. According to, conservatives are now likely to retain a majority on the Supreme Court into the 2050s. If the Court’s right-wing majority finds that it can continually push the boundaries of conservative judicial activism without undermining its own popular legitimacy, then the consequences for progressivism and popular democracy could be dire.
In some respects, the conservative movement’s focus on the courts has been a testament to its weakness. There is no popular majority for banning abortion, scaling back the welfare state, or eroding basic labor and consumer protections in the United States — andthere never will be. Under Trump, the right responded to this reality by with as many 40-something reactionaries as it could find.
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At a time when Democrats and Republicans can agree on little, they find themselves in rare consensus in Wisconsin: Seemingly everyone there wants Sen. Ron Johnson (R) to run for a third term.Democrats view him as vulnerable, pointing to provocative comments on the coronavirus, 2020 election, racial justice protests and more, and are eager for him to take another crack at the Senate. Republicans see in Johnson a battle-tested incumbent who has twice proven his mettle in a key swing state.
Some liberals look at this aspect of the Trump legacy and comfort themselves with the thought that the courts are a weak institution: John Roberts commands no divisions, judicial review is not in the Constitution, and, historically, the Supreme Court has adjusted its jurisprudence to match prevailing political sentiment.
But this is little consolation if the Roberts Court can abet minority rule while retaining majority approval. And to a great extent, it has already done so: The chief justice managed to gut one of the civil-rights movement’s signature legacies, the voting-rights bill — right after the Senate— without forfeiting his aura of moderate statesmanship.
The big question looming over America’s judicial politics has been: What happens when the 6-3 court comes for Roe? Or the rights of blue states like New York to? Or various other pillars of the contemporary culture-war settlement?
There is some basis for believing that the Roberts Court is about to discover the limit of the public’s tolerance for right-wing minority rule. In September of this year, shortly after the Supreme Court declined to preempt a Texas law that, approval of the Supreme Court . As of July 2021, 49 percent of Americans approved of the Court, including 51 percent of Democrats. Two months later, those figures had fallen to 40 and 36 percent, respectively.
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Republicans are moving rapidly to cement minority rule — and the Constitution is to blame.In the past year, the Republicans have used their control over state governments to gerrymander congressional districts in their favor, all but ensuring a GOP majority in the House in 2022. They have made it harder for citizens, disproportionately of color, to vote. They have made it easier for Republican officials to sabotage the administration and outcome of elections. Many fear that Donald Trump and his thugs could overturn the results of a free and fair election in 2024, as they failed to do in 2020.
Gallup’s September poll may prove to be an outlier. Never in the pollster’s history had it found such low approval for America’s high court. And the fact that just three months later it found a supermajority of Americans approving of John Roberts underscores the possibility that September’s results mainly reflect a distorted sample.
On the other hand, it is possible that the September figures reflect discontent about the Court’s initial ruling on the Texas abortion law and therefore offers a preview of a broader and more intense backlash to come.
And yet even if public opinion turns against the Court, it’s not clear that progressives will be in a position to translate that backlash into meaningful reform. Overturning Roe may be unpopular. But so is expanding the Supreme Court. Amid the Amy Coney Barrett hearings in 2020, afound that 58 percent of Americans opposed increasing the number of justices on the high court, while 31 percent supported it. It is difficult to see how the Court’s power could be meaningfully checked, at least in the medium term. To force Joe Manchin’s hand on Supreme Court reform, the backlash to the Roberts Court would need to extend far into red America. After the 2022 midterms, meanwhile, Republicans
In other words: Even if the Court overreaches on abortion and forfeits its popular support, the conservative judicial project is likely to endure. And given Roberts’s current poll numbers, it’s not even clear that Roe’s invalidation will durably erode public reverence for the judiciary.
No matter how events unfurl from here, Roberts has already established himself as the greatest Republican politician of his generation. No other conservative has managed to realize as many of the movement’s ideological goals at so little political cost. And if you don’t think that Roberts can be fairly described as a politician, well, that only confirms the enormity of his achievement.
Julia Roberts and George Clooney, it (re) turns! .
George Clooney and Julia Roberts are reunited on a filming, in Australia. © SIPA It was in Australia that their reunion took place. The two stars currently turn "Ticket to Paradise" from OL Parker, the director of "Mamma Mia! Here We Go Again ". Read also: The moment "very moving" where George and Amal Clooney have decided to have children in this romantic comedy, they play, accompanied by heavy Billie, a divorced couple who arrives in Bali to prevent the wedding of their girl.